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Recovering backpacker, Cornwallite at heart, political enthusiast, catalyst, writer, husband, father, community volunteer, unabashedly proud Canadian. Every hyperlink connects to something related directly or thematically to that which is highlighted.
Showing posts with label hope. Show all posts
Showing posts with label hope. Show all posts

Thursday, 7 May 2015

Omar Khadr and the Lessons of Buchenwald




At this stage of the game, you either believe that Omar Khadr is a youth who has suffered much at the hands of oppressors (including his parents), or you believe he is an inhuman monster who can not be trusted, ever, and should be either contained until death or killed now and have done with it.

If it's the latter, you perhaps see Khadr not as a human, but a symbol of the evil Islamist (or just plain Muslim) barbarian hoard that seeks to destroy Western culture and conquer Western lands with their numbers.  To you, Islam may feel less like one of the Abrahamic religions and more like a zombie hoard that must be kept at bay and ideally destroyed - for purposes of self-preservation, of course, because in this game it's them or us.

Should you feel some empathy for Khadr, however, you probably recognize him as a human who was presented a skewed world view by his parents, thrust into a conflict as no child should be and then abused by agents who either saw him as an animal or a political pawn.  You also believe that political game-playing is still going on.

Here, then, is the most basic question, the test of Khadr's humanity.

Could he produce children with other people - African, East Asian, Caucasian?  Of course he could.

Would a child of Khadr's be susceptible to developmental influences?  Without doubt.  Pick the kid up and raise him in China with Chinese parents, his culture and outlook will be different than if he grows up on a remote First Nations reserve, or on the streets of Mumbai, or in a massive Rosedale home.

If we recognize Khadr is human, however, then we might need to consider the possibility that other individuals in the group he's been lumped into - terrorists, Islamists, Muslims, whatever - they might be human, too.  Like we are.  

And if it's possible that, in spite of his whole life being a sad saga of manipulation and abuse, Khadr is still capable of hope and change, then the same holds true for all of us, doesn't it?

It's a very uncomfortable question, this, with deep meaning.  If a die-hard ideological terrorist can learn to change his ways, then the reverse is likely possible, too, isn't it?  And if people are so malleable given the right influences, what does this say about our individuality, our pride of self?

Consciously or not, we much rather us-vs-them narratives that focus on us being right and them being a threat.  The more of a threat they feel like, the less human they will seem to us.  Instead they are animals, even vermin.  You don't waste precious resources talking with vermin or accommodating vermin, do you?  They live in squalor, they spread disease - the only thing to do with vermin is destroy them.

We can talk about the inherent violence of Islam.  We could talk about the inherent violence of Christianity, too, reflecting on the crusades, Inquisition, various wars of conquest.  We can talk about Europeans, about Muslims, about Arabs - but the bottom line is that underneath all the layers, we are all human.

In the Concentration Camps of World War II, inmates - including my grandfather - had their humanity stripped away from them. The SS treated inmates like vermin, and intentionally so; the more they could dehumanize their captives, the more they sapped their morale while also strengthening the resolve of their troops to treat all foes as inhuman.  

Camp survivors will tells stories about being so weak, so broken that when someone near them died in their tracks, those who lived had neither the strength nor will to care.  It was all one could do to survive, and when survival was such a high bar to reach, you couldn't focus on anything else.

People who've never endured that type of horror often say "you could have resisted more" or "you could have fought harder", which is a bit like telling an asthmatic to just breathe more or a cripple to suck their pain and walk.  It's no different than suggesting a 15 year old Omar Khadr should have spontaneously developed an understanding of the world separate from what his life experience had presented to him and be one of us in their ranks, stopping his dad and the adults around him from committing terror or die trying.

We've got this quaint notion of what counts as a real human - rational actor, uninfluenced by environmental circumstances, willful enough to climb any mountain and overcome any challenge physical, psychological or external.  People not meeting that standard; well, they're not quite human, are they?  And not as deserving of the fruits that come to those that are human?  

It's a real easy notion to convince yourself of if you have never suffered, or if you see the end-game for suffering as being the removal of those who cause you ill.

I've never met a single Holocaust survivor who wishes that all Germans die for their sins.  They don't believe in an eye-for-an-eye.  Having seen the absolute worst of humanity - having had their own humanity stripped from them and gone through the painful, lonely process of regaining it - survivors don't endorse dehumanization in any form, directed at anyone.

They know all too well the ugly outcome when dehumanization of the other is a strategic objective.

The tortures and abuses Omar Khadr faced pale in comparison to what Holocaust survivors endured. By his own admission, Khadr threw a grenade; rest assured that there were many Buchenwald inmates who were incarcerated for fighting against the Nazis. The regret Khadr is expressing sounds much like that of the children and grandchildren of Nazis that I know, which equally sounds like the regret you might hear from a drunk who killed someone while driving.  There's this disassociation from the person or community that committed inhuman acts that doesn't deny responsibility, but rather recognizes a terrible reality - that whatever we think of ourselves, we each have within us the ability to do stupid, selfish, inhuman things to those who have done nothing to deserve it.

We're only animals, after all.


It's funny that, for all the talk about original sin and stories about floods, golden calves and the like, there are still those of other Abrahamic religions quick to pounce on Muslims as uniquely ungodly  and especially capable of ungodly acts.  The underlying theme of the Old and New Testaments is that people are flawed; we must recognize that and aspire to be more than base instinct to be deserving of the greater love which is there for us regardless. 

If Omar Khadr is rejecting the path that his life set out for him and seeking the positive, that is a hopeful story.  He's right on the money when he says we should afford unto others the opportunities we would like to afford ourselves.  Think about that in terms of economic disparity, electoral prospects of marginalized individuals, of women on boards and in Parliament, even access to the subway.  

If you believe humanity is incapable of securing its own salvation, then life to you is probably a race to the finish, or a circling of a shrinking water hole.  Both scenarios involve an end-game with a last-man-standing, which is exactly how the Nazis viewed their conquest.

On the other hand, if you believe what Khadr has said - that there is good in people, that we are capable of better, then you have to recognize the good and bad in everyone.  The good won't thrive unless it is nurtured.

Bitterness, competition, end-game planning or hope, collaboration and constant adaptation.

That's the real us vs. them - where we come from, as a species, and what we can, at our best, aspire to be.

Thursday, 6 February 2014

The Neuroscience of Hope and Fear in Politics





Do political attack ads work?  Of course they do - that's why we do them.  Everyone knows the value of fear as a motivational tool.

But what of hope?  Hope is airy-fairy, thug-hugging nonsense.  You can't rely on hope, right?

That's only true so long as you don't understand it.  With the emergence of fields like positive psychology and the exploration of social-emotional intelligence and self-regulation programs, we're going to find the emotional paradigm shifting.

As always, though, politics will be the last to catch up.  It's hard to be progressive when you're focused on competitive wins, alas; it's a neurochemical thing.

Have faith, though - the changes we hope for are already happening; we need only learn how to look in the right places.

Wednesday, 17 April 2013

Carol Goar, Susan Delacourt - We Should Talk

 
Dear Carol Goar and Susan Delacourt:
 
Loved your pieces on political spin and the need to try something different!  We're on the same page, as you'll see in a moment; first let me make it clear why it is I'm writing to you:
 
I know what that "something different" looks like and I can tell you, it's pretty cool.
 
But you deserve to know why you should trust me on this.  After all, I'm not a top political organizer; nobody pays me big bucks to do presentations, nor am I on any politician's speed dial.  I'm just a social entrepreneur, bringing people together to build something  greater than the sum of its parts.
 
I'm not overly fond of tooting my own horn (which probably explains a few things) so I hope you'll indulge me if I use an anecdote to shed light on what it is I offer:
 
I was out for coffee with an old Queen's Park friend yesterday when the topic of mental health came up.  With a wide-eyed look, she recalled a chat we'd had three years ago where I suggested mental health (specifically in how it relates to cognitive labour, political engagement and how it's mirrored in the growth of online platforms like e-government) was going to be a hot topic in short order.  She'd given me the verbal equivalent of a pat on the head and politely told me to keep dreaming. 
 
She wasn't the only one. 
 
At the same time I doing rounds of major and minor Government Relations firms, explaining to them how the broader social application of mental health was soon to be a big deal and that, if they started laying track early, they could get ahead of the curve in both creating shared solutions and leading their competitors.  None of them could see the emerging picture; every last one of them told me they didn't see where the Return on Investment could be; they encouraged me to give up the pursuit and focus on something more tangible.
 
Today, my friend can't escape mental health as a topic - The Agenda is dedicating time to mental health, the Economic Club of Canada is exploring the critical impact of mental health on the economy, the Federal government has implemented voluntary Psychological Health and Safety Workplace Standards.
 
My friend was less politely condescending yesterday.  Instead, she asked: "How did you know?"
 
 
End of anecdote.  Now, here's an example of where our thought processes align:
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
And my favourite:
 
 
 
 
As you can see, I've spent some time thinking about the issues that sparked the Spur Festival, both directly and indirectly.  There's a lot of material, to be sure; the reach of your pyramid is limited to the size of your base.  I feel this depth has given me some pretty good perspective on what comes next; given my past experience I'm pretty confident in that insight, too.
 
If I've learned anything, though, it's that you can't force people to connect the dots; fear and anger can be forced, but hope has to emerge from within.  The best one can do is open the door.  It's kinda why the quick and easy path of political attacks dominate the field.
 
There is much to be hopeful about in the picture that's emerging; many of the challenges we're hung up on will in fact turn out to be powerful opportunities for growth and innovation.  We three could have a fascinating but challenging conversation about this that would benefit both of us.
 
I could give you a call but I can't force you to answer, so we'll leave it at this - whenever you're ready, I'm not hard to find.
 
Sincerely,
 
Craig C-E
 
UPDATE
 
Apologies to Susan - I opened her link, read her piece and then immediately started looking for additional pieces.  Because the idea that got me thinking was tied to Carol's name and I wanted to whip this off before a meeting, I missed a significant detail. 
 
Lesson learned!  It just goes to show why taking the time to study the broader context is so important.
  1. Susan Delacourt@SusanDelacourt4h
  2. Good piece by Carol Goar on event re: spin and strategy in : thestar.com/opinion/commen
    1. here's an open response to the Twitter-shy Ms. Goar: there's a fascinating convo to be had!
     
    1. Except, uh, you're quoting *my* article, not Carol's.
     
     

    Thursday, 11 April 2013

    Beautiful Memorial To a Daughter (Glen Canning)



     
     
    My daughter was three years old when we went to watch Babe: Pig in the City. There's a part in the movie when Babe knocks over a goldfish bowl and the fish falls onto the floor and starts flopping around. When this happened Rae suddenly stood up on her chair in the movie theatre and started screaming for someone to help the fish. She cried for it as I tried to reassure her Babe would help (thank God he did) and that the fish would be alright.
     
    That was the nature of my daughter Rehtaeh. She was like that her whole life. I couldn't go for a walk in Halifax with her without her asking me for change to give to someone in need. She was always looking out for people or animals that needed help. She called Animal Control Services on our neighbors because they left their dog outside too long. Her room and her life was always full of little creatures.
     
    Sometimes her heart was too big, sometimes it scared me.
     
    They say parents need to teach their children. Instead, it was Rehtaeh who was my teacher. My precious gift. She was the absolute best part of my life.
     
    There's a wooden box in my house that holds all the memories I have of my beautiful little girl. The outfit she wore home from the hospital, a hand print in clay, art, school cards and drawings, mementoes of her life. Even a newspaper dated December 9th, 1995, the day she came into this world.
     
    I tried to keep it all for her, to have someday when she grew up and had her own family. That day will never come.
     
    Rehtaeh died April 7th at 11:15 PM. She was 17 years old.
     
    She died struggling to live, much as she spent the last 18 months. She hung on right to the very end, when the nurses were telling us if she couldn't be declared brain dead soon they couldn't use her as an organ donor. We couldn't wait any longer. She couldn't live any longer. And right at the last moment there was a change in her blood pressure as the last part of her brain gave away. She knew she had to leave. It was time to let go and find peace.
     
    It was so like her to hang on right up until the very last second. To give us all a chance to hold her hand, wipe her tears away, and kiss her beautiful face for the last time.
     
    I tried my best to save my daughter's life. I believe that in my heart.
     
    I asked her repeatedly what I could do, was I doing enough, what did she want from me? She said she just wanted me to be her dad. To make her laugh. To do everything possible to keep a part of her life normal. She said it helped more than I could ever know.
     
    I prayed for the best while I prepared her for the worst. We went to counseling together. Sometimes I was the drive, sometimes the father, sometimes the counselor.
     
    The worst nightmare of my life has just begun. I loved my beautiful baby with all my heart. She meant everything to me. I felt her heart beating in my soul from the moment she was born until the moment she died. We were a team. We were best pals. We often sat on my couch and laughed until we could hardly speak. When we weren't together she would call me or text me every single day, just to say hi, to say she loved me. The life I had with my daughter was a rare thing. It was wonderful, it consumed me. I was defined by it. It made my life rich and beautiful.
     
    She was amazing.
     
    Yesterday I looked at another wooden box. It will hold her ashes. I hate it.
     
    I had to write something about this. I don't want her life to defined by a Google search about suicide or death or rape. I want it to be about the giving heart she had. Her smile. Her love of life and the beautiful way in which she lived it.
     
    I found out this afternoon my daughter saved the life of a young woman with her heart. How fitting.
    She also gave someone a new liver, a kidney, a new breath, and a new chance to love. She saved the lives of four people with her final gift of life. She was that wonderful.
     
    Someone out there is going to look at the world with my daughter's eyes. The most beautiful eyes
    I have ever seen.
     
    To the Justice Minister of Nova Scotia
    Rehtaeh Parsons thought the worst outcome for her case would be no charges against the men who raped her but we all know better. The worst thing that could happen would be charges. That they would be found guilty, and that Rehtaeh would sit on a court bench and listen in utter disbelief as they were given parole, or a suspended sentence, or community service. All for completely destroying her life while they laughed.
     
    Why is it they didn't just think they would get away with it; they knew they would get away with it. They took photos of it. They posted it on their Facebook walls. They emailed it to God knows who. They shared it with the world as if it was a funny animation.
     
    How is it possible for someone to leave a digital trail like that yet the RCMP don't have evidence of a crime? What were they looking for if photos and bragging weren't enough?
     
    Why was this treated like a minor incident of bullying rather than a rape? Isn't the production and distribution of child porn a crime in this country? Numerous people were emailed that photo. The police have that information (or at least they told us they did). When someone claims they were raped is it normal to wait months before talking to the accused?
     
    You have the opportunity here to do something good and lets face it; the court system in Nova Scotia was just going to rape her all over again with indifference to her suffering and the damage this did to her.
     
    My daughter wasn't bullied to death, she was disappointed to death. Disappointed in people she thought she could trust, her school, and the police.
     
    She was my daughter, but she was your daughter too.
     
    For the love of God do something.
     
    ***I've been contacted from media outlets from all over the world and as a past member of the media I understand why you all want to speak with me. You have all been very courteous, professional, and respectful. Please know, however, this is the only statement I am able to make. I'm too devastated.***
    I feel like I'm dead inside.

    Tuesday, 9 April 2013

    The Emerging Role of Social Media in Political Regime Change (Rita Safranek)






    By Rita Safranek




    In the spring of 2011, the world watched as revolutio-nary fervor swept the Middle East, from Tunisia, to Egypt, to Syria and beyond. Star-tling images captured by civilians on the scene were viewed by people around the world, courtesy of distribution via Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, and even mainstream media. There can be no doubt that informa-tion and communication technologies, in particular burgeoning social media, played a part in the upheavals. But, questions continue to dog political theorists and social scientists – just how much of a role did the different media play and which ones in which countries provided the biggest impact?



    Social Media



    In 2004, Harvard student Mark Zuckerberg created Facebook as a way to connect with fellow students. Initially adopted by high school and college students, the social network, according to its 2012 initial public offering filing, has grown to 845 million active users worldwide, with ap-proximately 161 million active monthly users in the US, making it the premiere social media service in the world. If Facebook were a country it would be the third largest behind China and India. Launched in July 2006, Twitter is an online social networking and microblogging service that has grown to over 300 million users as of 2011, according to account tracker Twopcharts. It allows users to exchange photos, videos, and messages of 140 characters or less. Founded in 2005 by Steve Chen and Chad Hurley, YouTube provides a forum for the distribution of video content – everything from cute kittens sleeping to first-run television programs to eyewitness Safranek: "Social Media & Regime Change" videos of political protests. The two created the site based on their own frustration when trying to share video files.
    Part of the attraction of these "big three" social media ser-vices and independent blogging is that the average person, with little or no advanced computer skills, can have good success using them; content can be created and accessed with as little as a smartphone; and it can be easily intert-wined. Links to videos posted on YouTube can be embed-ded in blogs, Facebook, and Twitter. A Twitter post can appear on a Facebook page. In other words, large numbers of people can be easily and inexpensively contacted via a variety of services.

    Social media also lowers traditional socio-economic bar-riers to commanding the spotlight. You don’t have to "be somebody" to "be somebody" on social media. Whether it is a suburban high school girl singing her ode to Friday night, a pair of octogenarians figuring out their laptop’s camera, or dogs that sing, social media has vaulted them into our consciousness. Politicians, regimes, and activists look to purposefully tap into the potential of social media. "The Internet, YouTube, Twitter, and Facebook have re-constituted, especially among young people, how social relationships are constructed and how communication is produced, mediated, and received. They have also ushered in a new regime of visual imagery in which screen culture creates spectacular events just as much as they record them. Under such circumstances, state power becomes more porous and there is less control. Text messaging, Facebook, Twitter, YouTube and the Internet have given rise to a reservoir of political energy that posits a new re-lationship between the new media technologies, politics, and public life" (Giroux). These digital technologies influ-ence the formation and activities of civil society groups: mobs, movements, and civil society organizations. While mass popular protests are by no means a new phenomenon, digital tools are facilitating their formation (Etling et al 38). Safranek: "Social Media & Regime Change"

    The Middle East and North Africa region has one of the most youthful populations in the world, with people under 25 making up between 35-45% of the population in each country. They make up the majority of social media users, including about 17 million Facebook users, 25,000 Twitter accounts and 40,000 active blogs, according to the Arab Advisors Group. YouTube is extremely popular, with an average of 24 hours of video uploaded from the region every minute ("MIDDLE EAST"). The Dubai School of Government has issued a report indicating that the total number of Facebook users in the Arab world increased by 78% during 2010, from 11.9 mil-lion in January 2010 to 21.3 million in December 2010 ("Social Media a Catalyst").

     

    Political Unrest and Social Media

     
    The Philippines
    On January 17, 2001, during the impeachment trial of Philippine President Joseph Estrada, loyalists in the Philippine Congress voted to set aside key evidence against him. Less than two hours after the decision, activists, with the help of forwarded text messages, were able to organ-ize a protest at a major crossroads in Manila. Over the next few days, over a million people ar-rived. "The public’s ability to coordinate such a massive and rapid response – close to seven million text messages were sent that week – so alarmed the country’s legislators that they re-versed course and allowed the evidence to be presented. … The event marked the first time that social media had helped force out a national leader" (Shirkey). On January 20, 2011, Estrada re-signed.
    Moldova
    The first widely-recog-nized use of social media as a tool of political revo-lution occurred in Moldova in 2009. Activists used Facebook, LiveJournal (an electronic diary ser-vice/social network), and Twitter to organize pro-tests and bring attention to the political unrest in the former Soviet republic. Interestingly enough, dur-ing the protests, Russian-language Tweeters debated the role of social-net-working tools in organiz-


    On April 6, 2009, following disputed general elections, protests broke out in the capital. On April 7, protestors were joined by opposition leaders in front of gov-ernment offices in the capital. The demonstrators' numbers had grown from 10,000 the day be-fore to nearly 30,000, in a metropolitan area of about 900,000. "Word had been spreading rapidly via Twitter and other online networking services. The official media carried no coverage, but ac-counts, pictures, and video of the rally were appearing in real time on Twitter and YouTube" (Mungiu-Pippidi & Munteanu). Although the protestors failed to prompt a change of leadership or a new election, they got the world to focus on a small, remote country, and digital activism became recognized as a source of political power (Amin).

    Iran
    In June 2009, Neda Agha-Soltan and some friends headed to the center of Tehran, Iran, to join an anti-government protest following the disputed presidential election. Stuck in traffic, she got out of the car. Agha-Soltan was shot and died. Video of her death was captured on a cell phone. "With links to the video posted on YouTube, Facebook and Twitter, the amateur clip eventually harnessed the attention of the mainstream media, grabbing headlines on CNN and in the ‘New York Times.’ Agha-Soltans’ death became a symbol for the Iranian anti-government movement, and online social media amplified that symbol for the rest of the world to see" (Amin).
    The emergence of such a video flew in the face of Iran’s strong media censorship. It forced not only new crackdowns but also a move by the ruling government to exploit the same digital inter-faces that were used against it. "It posted erroneous information about protest meeting times and locations, and unsuspecting citizens showed up to be met by baton-wielding militia forces" (Amin). The regime also planned to mobilize 15,000 members of the Basij paramilitary forces to suppress demonstrators in Tehran (Hughes). Iran's civil resistance movement is unique because the government's tight control of media and the Internet has spawned a generation adept at cir-cumventing cyber roadblocks, making the country ripe for a technology-driven protest move-ment (Schleifer).
    Social media proponents promoted the technology’s role in the Iranian unrest, but a closer look reveals a more complicated picture. "Although there was a great deal of excitement about the role of Twitter in Iran after the presidential election more recent evidence indicates that twitter conversation about the Iranian protest occurred mostly among those in the West, and most likely was not used by Iranians to organize. Instead, Twitter and other social media were used to report protest events as they unfolded, replacing the foreign press and also creating international sup-port for the movement" (Etling). Research into the Iranian blogosphere shows that political and religious conservatives are no less prominent than regime critics ("Reading Twitter in Tehran?"). While the movement was unsuccessful in forcing change, it continues to exist, still using social Safranek: "Social Media & Regime Change"

    media as a way to communicate within Iran and with others around the world who are sympa-thetic to their cause.
    Tunisia
    In December 2010, Mohammed Bouazizi set fire to himself – "a desperate act of defiance fol-lowing his denied attempts to work as a street vendor to support his family. … The scenes of his self-immolation captured by passers-by and posted on YouTube as well as those of the mass protests that followed his funeral, quickly circulated in Tunisia and beyond" (Cottle).
    On January 11t

    h protests reached the centre of the capital city Tunis, and Tunisian president Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali responded by ordering in the army and imposing a night-time curfew. The next day, tens of thousands took to the streets in Sfax, Tunisia’s second city ("International: No Sign of an End"). On January 14, 2011, Ben Ali fled the country, ousted by a spontaneous po-pulous uprising. "Tunisia's population of 10 million people, known for their high levels of edu-cation and civic pride, became the first people in the Arab world to take to the streets and oust a leader"(Chrisafis).

    Although Tunisia’s government practiced some of the most repressive Internet censorship, the country has one of the most connected populations in the region outside the Gulf; 33% of the population is online, 16% on Facebook and 18% using Twitter. "Although the Ben Ali regime blocked YouTube during the month of unrest, it did not entirely block Internet access, and sea-soned cyber activists played bridging roles, re-posting videos and Facebook content about pro-tests from closed loops of private networks to Twitter and online news portals with greater reach. " ("Middle East: Social Media Outwit Authoritarianism") Also, Tunisia witnessed a sudden eight percent surge in the number of Facebook users during the first two weeks of January 2011, coupled with a shift in the usage turned from merely social in nature into primarily political ("Social Media a Catalyst for Reform").
    The protests, nicknamed the "Jasmine revolution," led to the installation of a coalition govern-ment following elections. While new technology helped opposition leadership organize protests and easily communicate with followers, "it is simplistic to say social media caused [Tunisia’s] Jasmine revolution; the underlying economic and political causes were decades in the making. It is also unlikely that Facebook and Twitter will fill the leadership vacuum that now exists in the country" (Rash).
    Egypt
    Google executive Wael Ghonim helped spark Egypt’s 2011 unrest. Egyptian businessman Khaled Said died after being beaten by police, who had videotaped themselves taking confis-cated marijuana. Hoping to draw attention to police corruption, he copied that video and posted it to YouTube. Ghonim created a Facebook page called ‘We Are all Khaled Said.’Safranek: "Social Media & Regime Change"


    It featured horrific photos, shot with a cellphone in the mor-gue, of Said’s face. That visual evidence undermined the offi-cial explanations of his death. The Facebook page attracted some 500,000 members ("In-formation Age: Egypt’s Rev-olution"). Protestors flooded Cairo’s Tahrir Square under the watchful eye of a military that was loath to turn on citi-zens. To thwart the protestors, the government sought to block access to Facebook and Twitter and severely restrict access to the Internet. The strategy failed because the in-surgents, with help from sup-porters around the world, were able to subvert the censorship. Also, Internet restrictions negatively affected companies’ and the government’s ability to do business. Under increasing domestic and international pressure, longtime Prime Minister Hosni Mubarak resigned February 11, 2011, following 18 days of protests.
    "With a population of about 80 million and median age of 24, Egypt has nearly 4 million Facebook users, representing about 5% of the population." ("Middle East") During the week be-fore Mubarak’s resignation, the total rate of tweets from Egypt – and around the world – about political change in that country increased from 2,300 a day to 230,000 a day. Videos featuring protest and political commentary went viral – the top 23 videos received nearly 5.5 million views. The amount of content produced online by opposition groups, in Facebook and political blogs, increased dramatically ("New Study Quantifies").
    "At its core, the revolution represents a force that is much more willing to criticize authority, and tolerate diversity, than perhaps mainstream public opinion. The original throngs that fought riot police drew on at least three major and messily overlapping constituencies. First were the activ-ists - organizers of all political and religious stripes who had come to trust each other over years of strikes, tiny protests and mass arrests. Second were the politicized people previously afraid to challenge the regime but who brought to the protests a distinct agenda - labor unionists, social-ists, liberal NGO [non-government organizations] workers and more conservative religious ac- Safranek: "Social Media & Regime Change"
     
    tivists. Finally, there were the hundreds of thousands of angry and apolitical Egyptians sick of Mubarak’s police state" (Cambanis).
    Lebanon, Syria, and Libya
    "As the protests spread across the Arab world, activists in Lebanon began to unite with the goal of ‘ousting the sectarian system.’ These activists managed to reach around 15,000 people through a Facebook group entitled "In favor of ousting the Lebanese sectarian system – towards a secular system." The group is comprised of youth from different sects, regions, and cultural backgrounds" ("Social Media Creating Social Awareness"). However, it was the sectarian and divided nature of Lebanese youth partisanship that rendered it difficult to use social media to mobilize young people through a common goal ("Grasp of Social Media").
    Social media played a different role in Tunisia’s and Egypt’s anti-government protests than in Libya and Yemen. "There is not the kind of strong tradition of online activism in Libya and Yemen as there is in other Arab countries" (Riley). In Libya, there is a lack of Internet infra-structure, online access is difficult, and the Gadhafi regime has limited social media. "In Yemen, government controls and extreme poverty limit Internet use" (Riley).
    Unfortunately, in these countries, technological barriers to social media coupled with severe to-talitarian regimes stymied reform efforts.


    "Twitter Revolution" Critics



    The importance of social media in this latest wave of political upheaval has political theorists and social scientists lining up in opposing camps. "While techno-utopians overstate the affor-dances of new technologies (what these technologies can give us) and understate the material conditions of their use (e.g., how factors such as gender or economics can affect access), techno-dystopians do the reverse, misinterpreting a lack of results with the impotence of technology; and also, forgetting how shifts within the realm of mediated political communication can be incre-mental rather than a seismic in nature" (Christensen).
    One of the most vocal critics in the US has been


    New Yorker writer Malcolm Gladwell, author of The Tipping Point. He points out that "the platforms of social media are built around weak ties. Social networks are effective at increasing participation by lessening the level of motivation that participation requires." He argues that these types of relationships are not conducive to the sus-tained, hierarchical, and high-risk behavior needed to make real social change as seen in the US civil rights movement in the 1960s (42).

    There are two arguments against the idea that social media will make a difference in national politics. The first is that the tools are themselves ineffective, and the second is that they produce as much harm to democratization as good, because repressive governments are becoming better at using these tools to suppress dissent (Shirky).Safranek: "Social Media & Regime Change"


    "Facebook and Twitter have their place in social change, but real revolutions take place in the street. One of the biggest obstacles in using social media for political change is that people need close personal connections in order to get them to take action – especially if that action is risky and difficult. Social media always comes with a catch: It is designed to do the very thing that isn’t particularly helpful in a high-risk situation" (Rosenberg).
    While the upheavals in the Middle East have cast a pos-itive light on the use of so-cial media to effect change, "there are, however, many examples of the activists failing, as in Belarus in March 2006, when street protests (arranged in part by e-mail) against President Aleksandr Lukashenko’s al-leged vote rigging swelled, then faltered, leaving Lukashenko more deter-mined than ever to control social media. During the June 2009 uprising of the Green Movement in Iran, activists used every possible technological coordinating tool to protest the miscount of votes for Mir Hossein Mousavi but were ultimately brought to heel by a violent crackdown. The Red Shirt uprising in Thailand in 2010 followed a similar but quicker path: Protestors savvy with social media occupied downtown Bangkok until the Thai government dispersed the protestors, killing dozens" (Shirky).

    Twitter’s own internal architecture puts limits on political activism. "There are so many mes-sages streaming through at any moment that any single entry is unlikely to break through the din, and the limit of 140 characters – part of the service’s charm and the secret of its success – mili-tates against sustained argument and nuance" ("Reading Twitter in Tehran?").
    And then there are logistical questions that dog the "Twitter Revolution" claims. "Only 21% of Egyptians use the Internet, less than half the usage rate within Iran and below the average of the entire region. But despite the limited access to the Web, sites like Facebook generated a tre-mendous amount of pressure on the government from the onset of the Cairo Safranek: "Social Media & Regime Change"

    demonstrations. One protest fan page garnered more than 80,000 followers in a matter of days" (Carafano). In Egypt, the role of the unofficial trade unions in the protests has been downplayed - workers who participated in strikes, those bus drivers, factory workers, and Suez canal laborers, nurses and doctors, that finally broke President Hosni Mubarak (Hulaimi).



    Social Media’s Role



    The question arises - once the dust has cleared, where does social media fit into the new para-digm? "What we are seeing is revolutions where the lowering in the cost of transaction of orga-nizing is allowing for these decentralized forces to actually push revolution but without creating those kinds of long lasting structures which, for example, can become political parties after the regime has been toppled" ("The United States Institute of Peace").
    Manuel Castells has conceptualized how new network configurations can lead to new political movements by allowing previously disconnected, undeveloped political identities to take shape and rise to a prominent position (Castells). This is particularly applicable to Arab countries where religions and ethnic divides previously prevented networking. "Many Arab regimes banned the creation of political parties and limited the right to associate or create civil rights groups. This meant that there was little space where religious, ethnic, and cultural groups could meet and interact. … But social media has helped such groups discover one another and break the psychological barrier of fear between them" ("Social Media Creating Social Awareness").
    Political discussion in blogs presaged the turn of popular opinion in both Tunisia and Egypt. In Tunisia, conversations about liberty, democracy and revolution on blogs and on twitter often immediately preceded mass protests" ("New Study Quantifies").
    According to Srdja Popvic of CANVAS, a group that teaches de-mocracy movements how to en-gage in non-violent struggle, so-cial media has three uses: "It is an efficient and cheap
    Released March 2012 10 way to give members information – much better than putting up posters. It also conveys to members the highly motivating realization that they have big numbers – people who know their pro-democracy Facebook group has 70,000 members will be much more excited and less fearful than people unaware they are part of a big group. And it is an efficient way to transfer skills and information" (Rosenberg).

    One of the leading social-media movement proponents in the US is New York University profes-sor Clay Shirky, author of


    Here Comes Everybody. He believes that "the more promising way to think about social media is as long-term tools that can strengthen civil society and the public sphere" and "social media can compensate for the disadvantages of undisciplined groups by re-ducing the costs of coordination. Larger, looser groups can now take on some kinds of coordi-nated action, such as protest movements and public media campaigns that were previously re-served for formal organizations. For political movements, one of the main forms of coordination is what the military calls ‘shared awareness,’ the ability of each member of a group to not only understand the situation at hand, but also understand that everyone else does too. Social media increase shared awareness by propagating messages through social networks. Political culture heightens the conservative dilemma by providing cover for more political uses of social media. Tools specifically designed for dissident use are politically easy for the state to shut down, whe-reas tools in broad use become much harder to censor without risking politicizing the larger group of otherwise apolitical actors" (Shirky). Regime shutdowns, which technologically-savvy protestors have proven to be fairly adept at subverting, alert the international community to problems within countries.

    "New media can have an impact by helping to transform individuals and give them new com-petencies that empower them in politics. This can be something as simple as taking a picture or a video with a smartphone, uploading that image of that footage to YouTube" ("The United States Institute of Peace"). A second impact is "the way that new media draws external attention from citizens and governments outside the country or the region to that country or region to the place that is experiencing protest or conflict" ("The United States Institute of Peace"). In this sense, the new media are a megaphone. "It is difficult to prove that communication via new media or social media is actually what brings people to the streets, especially in societies which have relatively low degrees of Internet penetration and Internet access. Perhaps the best illustration of the threat this information poses to authoritarian governments is their reaction to it. States have made a number of efforts to rein in Internet speech, including Internet" ("The United States Institute of Peace").




    Conclusion




    For all that it does, social media is no "silver bullet" when it comes to political change. "The use of social media tools – text messaging, e-mail, photo-sharing, social network, and the like – does not have a single preordained outcome. Therefore attempts to outline their effects on political action are too often reduced to dueling anecdotes" (Shirky). Factors that seem to impact its suc

    cessful use include the size, ethnic diversity, and education levels of the population, the existence of a modern telecommunications infrastructure, and the amount of censorship used by the exist-ing regime. Social media has limited impact at best on an important factor affecting nascent rev-olutions – a regime’s willingness to use force to squelch protests. Egyptian protests grew because the Army would not turn against citizens engaged in peaceful protest. Iranian protests petered out when leaders used force to crack down on those speaking out, both in public and in the cybers-phere.
    Moving forward, "the activities of social movements will gain influence only to the extent that they are able to avoid the scrutiny and controls of the state. A challenge for improving the prospects of digitally-assisted political reform in closed societies that must rely on decentralized networks is to adapt, emulate and transfer the benefits of highly organized civil society groups, as bottom-up de-centralized organizing is more likely to survive in re-pressive regimes." (Etling).
    Research suggests that protests, when effective, are the end of a process, rather than a replacement for it. Politi-cal freedom has to be accompanied by a society literate enough and densely connected enough to discuss the is-sues presented to the public (Shirky). "The real lesson is that the cyber-verse gives no side a decisive, unassaila-ble advantage" (Carfano). For groups that have felt po-werless against repressive regimes, social media’s tech-nological leveling of the political playing field provides one of the most important components of any successful revolution – hope.

    Monday, 17 December 2012

    Not One Man of Steel, But a Society of Strength




     
    On so many levels, this is brilliant, timely writing.
     
    I don't think we would be ready for a Superman in our midst.  We're too fearful of feeling insignificant in the grand scheme of things. 
     
    This isn't an issue, though; whether we're waiting for a saviour or not, nobody's going to come down from on high and raise us up. 
     
    That's the big secret - we'll only get there on our own, together.
     
    Which is why I have to disagree with the writing team on one point - the solution isn't to look at the world as an island.  It's to recognize we're not islands and start bridging the gap.

    Wednesday, 26 September 2012

    Politics Now




     
     
    Speaking from my minimalist experience, I can tell you politics is a blood sport; loyalty is demanded but scarcely returned, partisan benefit regularly (and increasingly) squeezes out broadly-based good public policy and individual human value counts for nothing.
     
    It's funny - for all the attention paid to developing human narratives in support of partisan ambitions, politics is ultimately a dehumanizing process.  Comparisons to warfare are spot-on except instead of your life, it's your reputation that is constantly on the line. How many front-line staff have had their names torn to shreds in the media, sometimes just for following orders?  
    And that's just the external risk.  Political campaigns (which never really end, these days) are kill-or-be-killed scenarios.  When you work an election, you get to see the uglier side of our democracy under high-pressure situations with little food and sleep. Frequently, you are given ample reason to question the people and beliefs you are fighting for. In your devotion to the bigger cause, you'll sometimes even find yourself justifying lapses in your own moral standards.  Unlike war, though, you can't always count on your teammates to have your back; they're just as likely to stick a knife in it if doing so serves their interests.  Where reputations and future success are at stake, you pretty much expect to be abandoned should ever you fall.

    A lot of folk in politics believe that empathy is for the weak. These are the political Bill Kilgores that talk about victory but really see nothing but the battle. They will pathologically throw colleagues, staff and even leaders under the bus or download responsibility for their actions, never thinking twice about the consequence for others. It's kill or be killed, they tell themselves. We're doing what everyone else is doing, just more effectively. This probably comes as a surprise to nobody - there's a reason why we don't trust politicians. What's more of a surprise, I'd warrant, is just how many people in politics do have a conscience.
     
    These aren't the folk that are in politics primarily for prestige or position, but because they (perhaps naively) actually believe in the system.  Most of them don't last long.  Those that do invariably end up with at least some innocent blood on their hands.  If you have any shred of decency, the things that you have endured and done to stay alive or support your cause will haunt you long after the election has ended.  Operators likes this wear their political sins like a chain, unseen yet chafing.

    There's a reason dedicated campaign staff emerge from from the shadows of elections looking a bit like wraiths themselves, expressing PTSD-like symptoms.  Somewhere along the journey they've started to lose faith in the vision that motivated them in the first place and, therefore, are left to question just what it is they believe in and what they have sacrificed in support of that cause.
     
    Why do we fall, though?  Because sometimes it takes feeling like you're in the bottom of the pit before you can really look around at the every-day people impacted by politics.  You also have to reach the bottom before you have reason to look up and see the light.  I can think of a couple high-profile people who have seen their entire lives dissected on the public stage - that kind of deconstruction invariably leads to some painful introspection as well.  One fella I recently had coffee with is in the process of re-findging himself and trying to figure out what his life should mean.  That was the key thing, though - it has to stand for something. 

    Although these folk might not always have faith in themselves, it's the people who question the status quo and suffer from self-dout that give me the most hope

    Why's that?

    Because while things end, endings don't always mean what we expect them to.

    Thursday, 5 July 2012

    Are Faith and Reason Incompatible?




    Watched this video (warning, it's long) which is a conversation about "helping people overcome their faith."  Socratic method.  The "faith virus." 

    I find this stuff fascinating, because it always seems to me there is a fundamental approach problem in these discussions.  At many levels, science and reason are not at odds with the basics of faith.  There are natural laws, just as there are imposed laws in religion.  There is a direction in evolution (not towards superiority, but towards specialized collaboration) just as there's a "plan" in religion. If you strip away the language of both spheres and get down to the intent, there's a common, almost intuitive starting point that loses it's rapture the more clearly it's understood.

    To me, faith isn't an illogical belief in something that does not exist; it's a trigger that helps us connect with a reality that is beyond simple comprehension and empowers us to become a whole that's more than the sum of its parts.  It's not a claim, it's a sensation.  As such, religion as a structural manifestation of that sensation can't fall - because it's biological.

    What Dr Peter Boghossian is describing in his "lose faith through the Socratic method" approach is actually about cognitive behavioural therapy - which, in itself, has a lot in common with prayer.

    Boghossian and Molyneux might want to dig a bit deeper into the concept of "know yourself to know the world" - if they really explore the neuroscience behind why there is faith, they'd see why it's not such a bad thing after all.